Last month – or, more appropriately, a month before Maharashtra was to celebrate golden jubilee of its existence - Marathi literary meet held in Pune with much bang. Surrounded by controversies, the event offered nothing great except for the fact that publishers sold books worth Rs 7 crores.
One would say, it held for the sake of it.
Not quite true.
On the second day, the meet had a discussion on freedom of expression. Worth to note, chief minister Ashok Chavan attended it, albeit, after loosing his own freedom within the party. The CM was to come on third day and share dais with Amitabh Bachchan. Political compulsions forced him reshuffle his visit.
Today, if compulsions dictate most political actions, count shrinking “liberal space”, a fallout of it.
In a span of five years vandals backed by some or other offshoots affiliated to political parties have always overpowered. Be it vandalizing the internationally acclaimed Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) or attack on Kumar Ketkar or Mumbai office of Navakal, Maharashtra’s "liberal space" shrinked consistently even if the state marched ahead building highways or signing MoUs with Industrialists.
The most recent example to be in the news was controversy over a book Santsurya Tukaram, authored by renowned marathi writer Anand Yadav. Warakari sect (followers of Sant Tukaram and Sant Dyaneshwar), unhappy over references attached to Sant Tukaram, heckled Yadav, forcing him to withdraw his book and resign from the prestigious post of literary meet president.
Conspicuously, a common thing in all the incidents is: State hasn’t intervened to erase that space, which many call “liberal”. Equally, state did nothing to protect that space either. If conflict among the classes or castes is one reason, notoriety, which for many means publicity, is another reason. Not to wonder then, notoriety is gaining recognition to be an effective tool to defeat the cause.
Noticeably, most of these incidents were directed against Brahmins. The message is clear: If Brahmins have retained clouts for years with the support of pen, which they often used to paint convenient picture, others have understood it. And to end that clout, others wants to suppress that writing using notoriety.
Pune Rikshaw wallahs
If today’s city rikshaw-wallahs are all known to fleece customers, it is because they have owned up this quality from their predecessors.
Article in Sakal tell us: Historic document like “Dnyanprakash”, a journal published in 1856, reporting on incidents of passengers being cheated by cart (horse or bullock) drivers. Compliants at Faraskhana, as reported, suggest that passengers were duped not just by charging more than decided, but sometimes drivers used longer routes. Today carts have been replaced by auto rikshaw. But drivers continue to hold same old penchant.
The Perilous Side of 'Sachin For Bharat Ratna' Campaign
Uddhav Thackeray falling on the same line as Ashok Chavan, can not more than merely be a political opportunism. And when the duo speaks for Bharat Ratna to Sachin Tendulkar, the opportunism touches abysmal frivolity.
Several campaigns are running concurrent to make Tendulkar’s case for country’s highest honour. Tendulkar too, unlike others, has achieved several milestones, and deserves to be feted.
But does that mean he deserves Bharatratna, especially when there are other equally deserving people standing by?
Well I don’t really know the answer, except for the fact that such honour should not just reduced to be a result of campaign.
The perilous side of such campaign is, they run on populism; be it for or against. Indians among others are masters of campaigning. In polls, we fall pray to populist announcement. Elsewhere, pink-chaddi like movement easily carries us away.
Politicians, as a convenience, often give up to populist pressures. The danger then is that precedence set out from such pressures dictate the decision.
So when cricket being most likeable game grabs maximum attention, its obvious that Sachin becomes the most adorable. This makes his case even stronger from populist point. Likewise, other deserving becomes least favorite because the field they represent do not represent the wishes of entire country.
P.S. wikipedia entry suggest that populism defined either as an ideology (more rarely and uncommonly), a political philosophy or a type of discourse, is a type of political-social thought which juxtaposes "the people" against "the elites", and urges social and political system changes. It can also be defined as a rhetorical style deployed by members of political or social movements. It is defined by the Cambridge dictionary as "political ideas and activities that are intended to represent ordinary people's needs and wishes"
(So friends, opposing Sachin’s case juxtaposes me with elites :) ).
Several campaigns are running concurrent to make Tendulkar’s case for country’s highest honour. Tendulkar too, unlike others, has achieved several milestones, and deserves to be feted.
But does that mean he deserves Bharatratna, especially when there are other equally deserving people standing by?
Well I don’t really know the answer, except for the fact that such honour should not just reduced to be a result of campaign.
The perilous side of such campaign is, they run on populism; be it for or against. Indians among others are masters of campaigning. In polls, we fall pray to populist announcement. Elsewhere, pink-chaddi like movement easily carries us away.
Politicians, as a convenience, often give up to populist pressures. The danger then is that precedence set out from such pressures dictate the decision.
So when cricket being most likeable game grabs maximum attention, its obvious that Sachin becomes the most adorable. This makes his case even stronger from populist point. Likewise, other deserving becomes least favorite because the field they represent do not represent the wishes of entire country.
P.S. wikipedia entry suggest that populism defined either as an ideology (more rarely and uncommonly), a political philosophy or a type of discourse, is a type of political-social thought which juxtaposes "the people" against "the elites", and urges social and political system changes. It can also be defined as a rhetorical style deployed by members of political or social movements. It is defined by the Cambridge dictionary as "political ideas and activities that are intended to represent ordinary people's needs and wishes"
(So friends, opposing Sachin’s case juxtaposes me with elites :) ).
Malice Towards All
For Maharashtrians, the subject is palatable and inquisitive. Therefore even the storm in the tea cup has subsided, all round postmortem continues.
Just last week, Pratap Bhanu Mehta dwelt on rot in Maharashtra. Later, Kumar Ketkar spent time writing on Bal Thackeray and Sharad Pawar’s politics.
Of late, the rest of India has been in habit to put to test Maharashtrains on the insider-outsider row. Unfortunately, to me, this state has been consistent enough to explore new low in this test. And the blame is to be solely shared by us alone.
To our fault, Maharashtra always overestimated its leaders ranging from Thackeray to Pawar. Parochialism is so ingrained in us that selection of dud like Nitin Gadakari as BJP president makes us revel in stead of questioning his qualities. When Marathi Vikram Pandit, who I doubt even has visited Maharashtra in decades, took charge of Citibank, we fired crackers. The otherwise routine story: Jockey Vijay Shiker winning the derby race, gets more than deserved place just because winner is Marathi. Hah!
We always contributed Shiv sena in legitimizing its sins. We are in the habit to call Thackeray’s purr; a roar, his abuse; a quintessential Thackeray-shaily (style), and his sins; a dare, often labeled after Hitler, to whom the sena chief take pride in idolizing. There isn’t the need to spend additional space on Raj, who belongs to the same ilk.
We believed, Thackeray Sr. stood by his principals; the principals he never actually followed. To enunciate, his flip-flop on Sharad Pawar and the penchant to offer RS seats to Uttar Bhartiyas.
He always squeezed controversies to remain in focus. Thackeray took on P K Atre (by caricaturing him Worli cha dukkar – Worli’s pig), P L Deshpande (for his remarks: Hee Shivshahi nasun Thokshahi aahe – this isn’t the Shivaji-like governed rule but a mobocracy) and Sachin Tendulkar (for innocuous remarks: Mumbai belongs to India). Many saw, by taking on stalwarts, Thackeray stood by his principals. The truth was he strived to derive maximum mileage. But, in such attempts too, Thackeray failed as in 45 years of Sena, he could rule the state only once – for 5 years.
Ketkar liken Thackeray with Ayatollah Khomeini. I consider this an over-valued sobriquet. Khomeini controlled entire Iran, no mater how flawed principals he harboured. Thackeray on the other hand could not keep his own house in order, though he has credit to his side of saving Maharashtra from dividing on caste lines. But then that too was in Thackeray’s own interests, especially when different sects had loyalties to different parties.
Maharashtra’s another big leader (notionally) is Sharad Pawar. Mehta argues: “Pawar, once a politician of considerable promise, has proved to be one of the biggest spoilers in modern Indian politics.” How true.
Maharashtra always assessed Pawar too highly. His power tactics were flop, fetching him nothing concrete. All his gambles to win primeministership failed. He was reduced to regional leader, while his party left to chant Marathi. On the administrative note too, he hardly did anything to prove his mettle. He often flexed his secular credentials, but in reality, divided Maharashtra on caste lines. And all through, we kept calling Pawar the Maratha-warlord, the master of Indian politics, the Janata Raja (sobriquet earned by Shivaji).
If Maharashtra knows anything, that is to harp on regional values. Nothing wrong in being proud of such rich values. The problem is: in exaggeration, Maharashtrains can’t sell those values beyond a point.
While Blaming Maharashtra, I accept that I am party to it. More than twice because just few days back, I preached friend through her blog, not to rant.
Just last week, Pratap Bhanu Mehta dwelt on rot in Maharashtra. Later, Kumar Ketkar spent time writing on Bal Thackeray and Sharad Pawar’s politics.
Of late, the rest of India has been in habit to put to test Maharashtrains on the insider-outsider row. Unfortunately, to me, this state has been consistent enough to explore new low in this test. And the blame is to be solely shared by us alone.
To our fault, Maharashtra always overestimated its leaders ranging from Thackeray to Pawar. Parochialism is so ingrained in us that selection of dud like Nitin Gadakari as BJP president makes us revel in stead of questioning his qualities. When Marathi Vikram Pandit, who I doubt even has visited Maharashtra in decades, took charge of Citibank, we fired crackers. The otherwise routine story: Jockey Vijay Shiker winning the derby race, gets more than deserved place just because winner is Marathi. Hah!
We always contributed Shiv sena in legitimizing its sins. We are in the habit to call Thackeray’s purr; a roar, his abuse; a quintessential Thackeray-shaily (style), and his sins; a dare, often labeled after Hitler, to whom the sena chief take pride in idolizing. There isn’t the need to spend additional space on Raj, who belongs to the same ilk.
We believed, Thackeray Sr. stood by his principals; the principals he never actually followed. To enunciate, his flip-flop on Sharad Pawar and the penchant to offer RS seats to Uttar Bhartiyas.
He always squeezed controversies to remain in focus. Thackeray took on P K Atre (by caricaturing him Worli cha dukkar – Worli’s pig), P L Deshpande (for his remarks: Hee Shivshahi nasun Thokshahi aahe – this isn’t the Shivaji-like governed rule but a mobocracy) and Sachin Tendulkar (for innocuous remarks: Mumbai belongs to India). Many saw, by taking on stalwarts, Thackeray stood by his principals. The truth was he strived to derive maximum mileage. But, in such attempts too, Thackeray failed as in 45 years of Sena, he could rule the state only once – for 5 years.
Ketkar liken Thackeray with Ayatollah Khomeini. I consider this an over-valued sobriquet. Khomeini controlled entire Iran, no mater how flawed principals he harboured. Thackeray on the other hand could not keep his own house in order, though he has credit to his side of saving Maharashtra from dividing on caste lines. But then that too was in Thackeray’s own interests, especially when different sects had loyalties to different parties.
Maharashtra’s another big leader (notionally) is Sharad Pawar. Mehta argues: “Pawar, once a politician of considerable promise, has proved to be one of the biggest spoilers in modern Indian politics.” How true.
Maharashtra always assessed Pawar too highly. His power tactics were flop, fetching him nothing concrete. All his gambles to win primeministership failed. He was reduced to regional leader, while his party left to chant Marathi. On the administrative note too, he hardly did anything to prove his mettle. He often flexed his secular credentials, but in reality, divided Maharashtra on caste lines. And all through, we kept calling Pawar the Maratha-warlord, the master of Indian politics, the Janata Raja (sobriquet earned by Shivaji).
If Maharashtra knows anything, that is to harp on regional values. Nothing wrong in being proud of such rich values. The problem is: in exaggeration, Maharashtrains can’t sell those values beyond a point.
While Blaming Maharashtra, I accept that I am party to it. More than twice because just few days back, I preached friend through her blog, not to rant.
The Great Cogeneration Scam
It’s a scam worth Rs. 5000 crores. It is also a classic case of how politicians create a situation and exploit it to their best. It also tells us why opposition parties don’t win elections even when ruling parties are impotent, busy serving own interests.
In this game, ruling parties calls the shots, to which opposition react in a customized way.
Initially, they create electricity shortfall. Then, just when we think of desperate measures to bridge power gap, these politicians come up with solution.
Solution: Politicians in power running the cooperative sugar mills are to generate some 1200 mw power by setting up cogeneration plants within their sugar factories. These politicians then allow 55 such factories, some of them controlled by ministers while few by opposition.
To set up plants, rulers make provision of subsidized fund worth Rs. 5000 crore. The capital and subsidy is to be borne by taxpayers. It is fine if the mills are to sell their power mandatory to state owned utility to meet shortfall.
But, mantris, tacitly change the original government resolution. They allow themselves to sell power in open market, which offers far higher rates and sell it in return with proportionate profits. This way, politicians indulge into profiteering.
Curiously, all through the process, opposition is conspicuously silent. No wonder they too have their share.
So while guarding the private interests, public interest sustains severely dent.
My report on this in Hindustan Times to read minister's reaction:
In this game, ruling parties calls the shots, to which opposition react in a customized way.
Initially, they create electricity shortfall. Then, just when we think of desperate measures to bridge power gap, these politicians come up with solution.
Solution: Politicians in power running the cooperative sugar mills are to generate some 1200 mw power by setting up cogeneration plants within their sugar factories. These politicians then allow 55 such factories, some of them controlled by ministers while few by opposition.
To set up plants, rulers make provision of subsidized fund worth Rs. 5000 crore. The capital and subsidy is to be borne by taxpayers. It is fine if the mills are to sell their power mandatory to state owned utility to meet shortfall.
But, mantris, tacitly change the original government resolution. They allow themselves to sell power in open market, which offers far higher rates and sell it in return with proportionate profits. This way, politicians indulge into profiteering.
Curiously, all through the process, opposition is conspicuously silent. No wonder they too have their share.
So while guarding the private interests, public interest sustains severely dent.
My report on this in Hindustan Times to read minister's reaction:
'Jaago Re'
Allowing plug after request through email from Pradnya Adhikari:
I am writing to you with reference to Tata Tea’s Jaago Re movement – a movement that I represent. The Jaago Re campaign was initiated in the year 2007 and the objective of this campaign was to initiate social awakening amongst Indians. The Jaago Re campaign made a great impact with the ‘One Billion Votes’ campaign and are currently targeting corruption with the ‘Khilana Band, Pilana Shuru’ drive.
Recently, Tata Tea has re-launched its flagship website www.jaagore.com. The portal which was, for the last one year, an online hot spot for aspiring voters to register and obtain all information related to Voter Registration, will now stand for social awakening in a broader sense. Jaago Re as a campaign has targeted the youth of the nation, urging them to take a stand on various issues such as voting and corruption and do their bit – thereby encouraging them to 'be the change they want to see’.
What makes www.jaagore.com unique is that it facilitates the flow of information and resources between individuals / groups / organizations – by bringing together, onto a common platform, those who possess information and resources and those who need them. NGOs can list themselves on the site, thereby making their presence felt with individuals who would like to work with them. On the other hand, individuals who wish to do their bit for society can volunteer their services with an organization of their choice.
It would be great if you can help us support us by spreading the word on Jaago Re's initiative through your blog. Hopefully readers of your blog, both NGOs and individuals alike, would be inspired enough to join the initiative.
For any further details do visit www.jaagore.com or you can contact me and I would be glad to help.
Take care,
Pradnya Adhikari
I am writing to you with reference to Tata Tea’s Jaago Re movement – a movement that I represent. The Jaago Re campaign was initiated in the year 2007 and the objective of this campaign was to initiate social awakening amongst Indians. The Jaago Re campaign made a great impact with the ‘One Billion Votes’ campaign and are currently targeting corruption with the ‘Khilana Band, Pilana Shuru’ drive.
Recently, Tata Tea has re-launched its flagship website www.jaagore.com. The portal which was, for the last one year, an online hot spot for aspiring voters to register and obtain all information related to Voter Registration, will now stand for social awakening in a broader sense. Jaago Re as a campaign has targeted the youth of the nation, urging them to take a stand on various issues such as voting and corruption and do their bit – thereby encouraging them to 'be the change they want to see’.
What makes www.jaagore.com unique is that it facilitates the flow of information and resources between individuals / groups / organizations – by bringing together, onto a common platform, those who possess information and resources and those who need them. NGOs can list themselves on the site, thereby making their presence felt with individuals who would like to work with them. On the other hand, individuals who wish to do their bit for society can volunteer their services with an organization of their choice.
It would be great if you can help us support us by spreading the word on Jaago Re's initiative through your blog. Hopefully readers of your blog, both NGOs and individuals alike, would be inspired enough to join the initiative.
For any further details do visit www.jaagore.com or you can contact me and I would be glad to help.
Take care,
Pradnya Adhikari
Marathi Cinema Comes Alive Again
(A still from marathi film Vihir. Photo courtsey: Vihir Director Umesh Kulkarni)In 2008 when I saw Valu, I strongly felt writing a review. Then came Girni. Similar feeling ran through, but procrastination did not let me do anything worth. Then I saw Natrang and now Vihir. All through, I just desired, but did little.
Last evening, I defied the usual code and reviewed the entire marathi cinema. The final product appeared in the Hindustan Times was:
Ten days after the recent release of Natrang, a film on tamasha artistes, its lead actor, Atul Kulkarni, met an elderly man at a cinema hall in Satara. Kulkarni, touring to promote the film, found his face familiar. Yes, they had indeed met, the man told him — this was the 13th time he was watching the film.
A few kilometres away, a lengthy queue waited outside a multiplex for a special screening of Vihir (The Well), which portrays a child’s bond with his cousin, and has been feted at international festivals.
In 2004, Sandeep Sawant’s Shwaas (Breath) became India’s official entry to the Oscars — Marathi filmmakers have not looked back since.
In the 1980s and ’90s, most Marathi films merely played catch with Hindi cinema, and moved away from local issues and themes. In the last five years, a new crop of filmmakers has been building on the foundation laid by stalwarts like Dadasaheb Phalke, V Shantaram and Bhalji Pendharkar — and, using refreshing storylines about local issues and aspirations, brought to Marathi cinema a certain technical finesse.
Umesh Kulkarni, a Film and Television Institute of India graduate, has made three films that audiences have favoured: Valu, the story of a village living in fear of a destructive bull, Girni, about the crisis in a working-class family after it starts a small enterprise using its grinding machine, and Vihir.
Harischandrachi Factory, Paresh Mokashi’s directorial debut tells the story of the making of India’s first silent film — Raja Harishchandra, by Dadasaheb Phalke — and is India’s entry to the Oscars this year. Ravi Jadhav’s Natrang, set in rural Maharashtra in the 1970s, is still pulling in the crowds, after the success of last year’s Mee Shivaji-raje Bhosale Boltoy and Rita.
Across the state, the young and old alike have lapped up this fare. “The more local we go with themes, the more global we become,” said Kulkarni.
“There is now recognition from across the world because we have better ideas and more sophisticated presentation,” said Ajay Sarpotdar, president of the Akhil Bharatiya Marathi Chitrapat Mahamandal, an association of Marathi filmmakers.
Dr Jabbar Patel, who directed Saamna and Sinhasan, two of the biggest films in the history of Marathi cinema, says: “The recent Pune International Film Festival pulled people in large numbers, and the average age of the viewer was 21.”
Cut Every Word And Earn More Money
Machael Kinsley in the Atlantic:
On the first day of my first real job in journalism—on the copy desk at the Royal Oak Daily Tribune in Royal Oak, Michigan—the chief copy editor said, “Remember, every word you cut saves the publisher money.” At the time, saving the publisher money didn’t strike me as the world’s noblest ideal. These days, for anyone in journalism, it’s more compelling.
Journalist must cut every word. He must also get in return from Publishers the hike in salaries for every word he has cut.
On the first day of my first real job in journalism—on the copy desk at the Royal Oak Daily Tribune in Royal Oak, Michigan—the chief copy editor said, “Remember, every word you cut saves the publisher money.” At the time, saving the publisher money didn’t strike me as the world’s noblest ideal. These days, for anyone in journalism, it’s more compelling.
Journalist must cut every word. He must also get in return from Publishers the hike in salaries for every word he has cut.
Should Rape Be Treated Like Other Crimes ?
Article by Niranjan Rajadhyaksha on how incentives matter, with special reference to commuting death sentence to lifer for rapist, crop up few points in the mind. The author writes: The death penalty for rape could create perverse incentives for rapists to murder their victims.
Does punishment dictate nature and severity of crime ?. Logically, the harsher the punishment, more deterrent it is. But in rape-cum-murder cases and even about other crimes, this logic is far from reality.
Whether rapist should be served with lifer or death is an issue of importance at par with how the society treat rape as a crime.
The record suggests, in most cases rapists kill victim. Contrary, in other crimes like robbery, chain snatching or economic offences, rate of culprits killing the sufferer is extremely low.
The perpetrators, having satisfied with their sexual desire, are often led by fear of getting caught. That fear drive them kill the victims, suggests confessions made by arrested rapists. Actually, murder after rape does not reduce chances of culprits’ arrest compared to when rapist abandon her without killing.
So then why rapist still prefers killing victim even though his primary intention is to meet sexual desire. ? I guess, the fear in rapist mind is more due to the possibly outcry because society apply different parameters to rape than other crimes.
I doubt if Rapist, once through with his first act, even think of incentives pertaining to the punishment and then decides whether to kill the victim, as pointed out by Rajadhyaksha. It is possibly the other way in which rapist after rape ceases to think under impression that outcry over the incident may land him into bigger trouble. The often seen outcome is then the murder of victim.
One possible way out to reduce rate of murders in rape cases can be society and her kin start treating victim equally as normal with the changed perception that rape is not the end of the road. And of course, to change that perception, start can be sentencing rapists with lifer than death.
Does punishment dictate nature and severity of crime ?. Logically, the harsher the punishment, more deterrent it is. But in rape-cum-murder cases and even about other crimes, this logic is far from reality.
Whether rapist should be served with lifer or death is an issue of importance at par with how the society treat rape as a crime.
The record suggests, in most cases rapists kill victim. Contrary, in other crimes like robbery, chain snatching or economic offences, rate of culprits killing the sufferer is extremely low.
The perpetrators, having satisfied with their sexual desire, are often led by fear of getting caught. That fear drive them kill the victims, suggests confessions made by arrested rapists. Actually, murder after rape does not reduce chances of culprits’ arrest compared to when rapist abandon her without killing.
So then why rapist still prefers killing victim even though his primary intention is to meet sexual desire. ? I guess, the fear in rapist mind is more due to the possibly outcry because society apply different parameters to rape than other crimes.
I doubt if Rapist, once through with his first act, even think of incentives pertaining to the punishment and then decides whether to kill the victim, as pointed out by Rajadhyaksha. It is possibly the other way in which rapist after rape ceases to think under impression that outcry over the incident may land him into bigger trouble. The often seen outcome is then the murder of victim.
One possible way out to reduce rate of murders in rape cases can be society and her kin start treating victim equally as normal with the changed perception that rape is not the end of the road. And of course, to change that perception, start can be sentencing rapists with lifer than death.
Era Of Hindi Film Posters
Anupama Chopra in the Crest Edition:(Hindi film) posters were hand-painted from photographs provided by the producers and then reproduced on paper. The size of an actor’s face on the poster directly reflected his prominence and stardom. Diwakar Karkare, who dominated poster design for three decades, recalls a leading villain offering a bribe of Rs. 25,000 to make his face bigger.
The era of hand-painted Hindi film posters has gone leaving some anecdotes behind. Stories like this often stoke up nostalgia and make us laugh, recalling scenes from old movies. Those were the days when even frivolity was considered seriousness. The self-mockery, as we construe it today, was the key to success.
PS: While reading Chetan Bhagat's tweets, a sugesstion for him caught up my mind. Why don't Bhagat pay movie posters makers and get his name written on them in BOLD
Portuguese’ Konkani connection
Bother, returned from Portuguese dominated region of Brazil, recounted innumerable stories that explains Portuguese’s distinctly similar behavior with Konkanis. These stories have confirmed my long held belief that Portuguese are in all possibility genetically closer to konkanis.
One such oft-repeated experience: For the party, socialites Brazilians call everyone, but with the condition that each one should bring food and drink from home. In canteen, they will pay for the only stuff they have consumed. And in the food, Portuguese-Brazilians prefer everything sans chilly, with sweet-sour dal (amti).
One such oft-repeated experience: For the party, socialites Brazilians call everyone, but with the condition that each one should bring food and drink from home. In canteen, they will pay for the only stuff they have consumed. And in the food, Portuguese-Brazilians prefer everything sans chilly, with sweet-sour dal (amti).
Exclusionist Raj Thackeray's All-inclusive Growth
Raj’s success is appealing. Avalanche of reactions have followed congratulating Thackeray ever since his men heckled Azami. Contrary to anticipation, media websites and talk shows are flooded with comments patting Raj while criticizing Azami.
By now, we have seen Raj’s chauvinism is becoming acute every day and so is the rancor among maharashtrians for outsiders. The initial feeling among marathis of being economically subalterns drove them closer to MNS. But as the party flexed its performance in the polls, beat up few bhaiyyas, that feeling was subsided and eventually replaced with a sense of dominance that of late has marathis gloating.
Two years ago when Raj first raked up son-of-the-soil issue, pundits downplayed it saying, he won’t get any support in the form of votes. A pet argument put forward that time was Maharashtra and Mumbai has changed drastically ever since fellow Marathis benefited maximum after liberalism to which migration was an indispensable part. Two years down the line, Raj has proved the pundits wrong. He is no more just an entity made out of media frenzy.
Raj’s success has come at a time when on national scene, politics of exclusion has become ineffective. For the MNS itself, its agenda although may have been exclusionist, but it more seem all-inclusive for marathis and their growth. This is much on the lines of sena, that brought smaller marathi factions and castes under one roof to become one strong force.
In his recently circulated three-page letter to all newly elected 288 MLAs of Maharashtra too, Raj shrewdly wove some details with his message and presented him as sole guardian of Marathi. His exhort was impressive and effective to marathis having loyalties to various parties.
Besides his charisma, contributing in Raj’s success is vernacular press, which provided him enough space to cash on the readership and Congress that tacitly supported his activities for political gains. Shiv Sena, the biggest looser, is still counting decibels of reverberation that generated from the slap in the face of Azami.
Raj’s appeal proves more effective because to counter Raj, national media plays nationalist card and often rakes up contribution of non-marathis in building Mumbai. The more such stories are played, the more it hurt marathis. Raj exploits that insecurity and reaches masses through vernacular press, which in return provides the leader better display for readership gains. This has a straight resemblance with Narendra Modi’s emergence in Gujrat. Post-Godhra riots, national media attacked Modi scathingly. The leader however turned that criticism as an attack against Gujrati pride to which regional media came to rescue.
So, when we saw Modi could not be clicked outside Gujrat, there is stronger possibility that Raj will be irrelevant elsewhere even if he opts all-inclusive agenda.
"Because they can’t afford your rates"
Arundhari Roy through this article is back in her original form.
She has done wonderful homework to drive point home.
For me, the punch in the article lies when she write:
“Where do the hundreds of millions of rupees that political parties and politicians pay the media for the ‘high-end’, ‘low-end’ and ‘live’ pre-election ‘coverage packages’ that P. Sainath recently wrote about come from? (The next time you see a TV anchor haranguing a numb studio guest, shouting, “Why don’t the Maoists stand for elections? Why don’t they come in to the mainstream?”, do SMS the channel saying, “Because they can’t afford your rates.”)"
But, further down till bottom, her readers seems have trounced the author, as they have done equally thorough homework about their favourite writer.
Nonetheless, the article is a great treat.
On the side note, two of my friends would like to ask Roy, when will they see her writing 6036-wrods article for extremists hindus fighting against Christians “attempting mass conversions” and the grudge marathis harbour against Uttar bharatiyas for “usurping most of the jobs”.
.
She has done wonderful homework to drive point home.
For me, the punch in the article lies when she write:
“Where do the hundreds of millions of rupees that political parties and politicians pay the media for the ‘high-end’, ‘low-end’ and ‘live’ pre-election ‘coverage packages’ that P. Sainath recently wrote about come from? (The next time you see a TV anchor haranguing a numb studio guest, shouting, “Why don’t the Maoists stand for elections? Why don’t they come in to the mainstream?”, do SMS the channel saying, “Because they can’t afford your rates.”)"
But, further down till bottom, her readers seems have trounced the author, as they have done equally thorough homework about their favourite writer.
Nonetheless, the article is a great treat.
On the side note, two of my friends would like to ask Roy, when will they see her writing 6036-wrods article for extremists hindus fighting against Christians “attempting mass conversions” and the grudge marathis harbour against Uttar bharatiyas for “usurping most of the jobs”.
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Case against endorsing the endorsement
During the Lok Sabha campaign, I had a debate with friend on why Indian media do not endorse prime ministerial contestants. The debate ended without any conclusion.
The latest US move of protectionism against Chinese tyre is no less than an answer to that debate.
A protectionist move that is bad politics, bad economics, bad diplomacy and hurts America, says Economist.
The magazine had endorsed Obama during presidential elections. Today it criticizes the president for his wrong policy – his latest move to impose 35 % tariff on Chinese tyres per se.
Endorsing the candidate isn’t wrong. But in India, will newspapers be able to keep pace criticizing government with the courage of admitting its wrong judgment, given the way government falters time to time ?
In any case, what’s the need of formal endorsement when Indian media have been into it for years without actually being into it formally.
Here is an interesting debate on endorsement started by former mint editor Raju Narisetti, who is now at washington Post.
Also Check this
Swine Flu -III
Seven people have died in the city during past 48 hours. All were H1N1 positive. We do not know as yet whether those succumbed had other health complications also. Considering the weightage attached to “seven”, tomorrow’s front pages will be bombarded with related stories.
The gravity of the issue of deaths has not glued me much on the story than reactions from readers that have followed. Considering the public pressure ahead of polls in Maharashtra, the government may even think of imposing partial shut down, to which some call Level-6.
Gruesome ! The panic out of swine flu is turning more killer than the disease itself. Meanwhile, Pune's swines are behaving as usual, as if there is nothing happened. So "insensitive", almost like minister.
The gravity of the issue of deaths has not glued me much on the story than reactions from readers that have followed. Considering the public pressure ahead of polls in Maharashtra, the government may even think of imposing partial shut down, to which some call Level-6.
Gruesome ! The panic out of swine flu is turning more killer than the disease itself. Meanwhile, Pune's swines are behaving as usual, as if there is nothing happened. So "insensitive", almost like minister.
Tale Of A Scam
Here’s a tale of how multi-million scams takes place at government level.
A government department wants to procure notes-counting machine. Actually, it requires two machines and each is worth Rs 40,000. What will the department do ?
Of course as a procedure, the department invites tenders. To invite tender, it issues ads in four national dailies. The ads cost around Rs 2 lakh.
The government babus do not stop here. They later issue corrigendum by spending Rs 15,000 more.
So for two machines worth Rs 80,000, government spends Rs. 2.15 lakh. For the babus, kickbacks are ready for spending more and more sum on ads.
A government department wants to procure notes-counting machine. Actually, it requires two machines and each is worth Rs 40,000. What will the department do ?
Of course as a procedure, the department invites tenders. To invite tender, it issues ads in four national dailies. The ads cost around Rs 2 lakh.
The government babus do not stop here. They later issue corrigendum by spending Rs 15,000 more.
So for two machines worth Rs 80,000, government spends Rs. 2.15 lakh. For the babus, kickbacks are ready for spending more and more sum on ads.
Boston Brahmins
Caste hierarchy is passé (at least the lower crust wants it to be so) at some places. Yet the Boston Brahmin term continues to rule in US.
Interestingly, the video clip provides déjà vu effect, especially to those who are well acquainted with Sadashiv Pethis of Pune.
The panic, that's good this time
Panic is not all that bad after all if it is about swine flu.
In Pune, kids are holidaying. Vegetable rates are down as mandis wear deserted look. People have suddenly become hygiene cautious. They wear masks, wash hands in eateries and yes they even demand soap while washing hands.
Hassle free driving on deserted roads, numerous entertaining stories of officers like Dr. Katti, longer sessions without any notice to vacate chair from hotelier at otherwise crowded Rupali. No public display of affection at parks with doctor's advice to keep distance.
Panic is indeed not that bad.
In Pune, kids are holidaying. Vegetable rates are down as mandis wear deserted look. People have suddenly become hygiene cautious. They wear masks, wash hands in eateries and yes they even demand soap while washing hands.
Hassle free driving on deserted roads, numerous entertaining stories of officers like Dr. Katti, longer sessions without any notice to vacate chair from hotelier at otherwise crowded Rupali. No public display of affection at parks with doctor's advice to keep distance.
Panic is indeed not that bad.
Swine flu & Pune -II
Okay. As the health authorities suggest, I take back my words and urge the readers of this blog to take swine flu seriously and ignore previous entry. Rida’s death has shocked the nation. But more it has shocked us because she could have been saved had Jahangir not been “negligent”.
Thanks
Thanks
Swine flu and Pune
Pune’s swine flu cases, by now, stand at 86, out of which 66 are the students from seven schools situated in Kothrud-Erandwane area.
Me and Satyajit done some analysis of swine flu in the city and came out with the inference:
- Residents – be it students or adults - from Kothrud-Erandwane area are prone to swine flu.
- This area is a ghetto represented by one particular community; the reflection also can be seen among swine flu cases.
- They belongs to the same genes as their Konkani counterparts, who in turn finds root across the ocean, which is the worst swine flu affected region.
So if you are not from Kothrud, nor from the said community, worry not. The swine flu isn’t for you.
Me and Satyajit done some analysis of swine flu in the city and came out with the inference:
- Residents – be it students or adults - from Kothrud-Erandwane area are prone to swine flu.
- This area is a ghetto represented by one particular community; the reflection also can be seen among swine flu cases.
- They belongs to the same genes as their Konkani counterparts, who in turn finds root across the ocean, which is the worst swine flu affected region.
So if you are not from Kothrud, nor from the said community, worry not. The swine flu isn’t for you.
Liberalism and India
Eighteen years ago, or to be more precise, on July 24, 1991, India was ushered into new era of economic liberalism. Circumstances forced us opt free market over Fabian socialism.
Many of us fretted the decision. It drove us believe that decision was fatal to nation’s economy. Newspapers those days were full of reports pounding words like ‘Gatt’, ‘WTO’, ‘Swadeshi’.
I still remember: We had a debate organised at school. Whether or not conscious about the facts, participating in debates was my birth-right. I cajoled that right and entered into debate.
All participants opposed the so called liberalization. Everyone with more or less tone said, signing Gatt would push India into east India like company’s hands. The teachers applauded our understanding. And since there was no one to oppose our views, the debate, as a “debate” didn’t actually take place. With no clear winner, the prize then was distributed among all participants.
At playground, cricket followed discussions on why India should oppose “ghost of liberalization”. We did not either know what nationalism was but made us believe so by opposing liberalization.
Gradually liberalization brought in privatization, globalization and deregularization. The changes across the fields became discernible among certain class. Phrases like ‘License raj’ and ‘hindu rate of growth’ stopped cropping up in the discussions while trade unions – like the one I am associated with – partially reduced to cultural organizations. We embraced all latest technology.
As the economic liberalism made us prosper, libertian values quickly became sellable. We preferred calling ourselves libertians. Cultural block in the mindspace opened up. A new elite class was created Proponents of sex gathered momentum when they talked about open society. 'Pink Chaddi’ became sign of liberalism. Stories full of moralizing started getting secondary treatment.
On July 24, Manmohan Singh’s tiny? step completed 18 years. The man at the helm in the meantime has gathered more power. Clamor of opposition has reduced to zero. The left have already exited from the government. The right-wing RSS too is all “Jai ho” about open market – RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat recently said “Whatever is good in this world, is all swadeshi for us”. And while all this was happening, the Wall street bubble burst.
Some problems have been sorted out, some persist. We have prospered in liberalism yet we reserve our right to embrace it in its full form. We probably know it give us fruits, but with the bitter taste if eaten even before they are ripe. Not bitten yet shy, the India today is.
Many of us fretted the decision. It drove us believe that decision was fatal to nation’s economy. Newspapers those days were full of reports pounding words like ‘Gatt’, ‘WTO’, ‘Swadeshi’.
I still remember: We had a debate organised at school. Whether or not conscious about the facts, participating in debates was my birth-right. I cajoled that right and entered into debate.
All participants opposed the so called liberalization. Everyone with more or less tone said, signing Gatt would push India into east India like company’s hands. The teachers applauded our understanding. And since there was no one to oppose our views, the debate, as a “debate” didn’t actually take place. With no clear winner, the prize then was distributed among all participants.
At playground, cricket followed discussions on why India should oppose “ghost of liberalization”. We did not either know what nationalism was but made us believe so by opposing liberalization.
Gradually liberalization brought in privatization, globalization and deregularization. The changes across the fields became discernible among certain class. Phrases like ‘License raj’ and ‘hindu rate of growth’ stopped cropping up in the discussions while trade unions – like the one I am associated with – partially reduced to cultural organizations. We embraced all latest technology.
As the economic liberalism made us prosper, libertian values quickly became sellable. We preferred calling ourselves libertians. Cultural block in the mindspace opened up. A new elite class was created Proponents of sex gathered momentum when they talked about open society. 'Pink Chaddi’ became sign of liberalism. Stories full of moralizing started getting secondary treatment.
On July 24, Manmohan Singh’s tiny? step completed 18 years. The man at the helm in the meantime has gathered more power. Clamor of opposition has reduced to zero. The left have already exited from the government. The right-wing RSS too is all “Jai ho” about open market – RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat recently said “Whatever is good in this world, is all swadeshi for us”. And while all this was happening, the Wall street bubble burst.
Some problems have been sorted out, some persist. We have prospered in liberalism yet we reserve our right to embrace it in its full form. We probably know it give us fruits, but with the bitter taste if eaten even before they are ripe. Not bitten yet shy, the India today is.
From reel to real life
Days after, I truly enjoyed writing a story. A colleague on desk made it further enjoyable while reading.
Whose Goa is it, by the way ?
The Portuguese invaded Goa first. Tiny land now faces another influx, if not invasion. From bhel-puri wallahs to construction labour, workers at ship building yard and farm labourers, bhaiyyas rule everywhere. And if there is any place where bhaiyyas have not made their mark, count it with Karnatakis or the previous intruders - Maharashtrians.
The Portuguese, the converted Christians, kolis, Saraswats and Karhades - all till now were scattered and lived peacefully - now ghettoizing. Perhaps the insecurity has driven them.
During my weekend Goa jaunt I experianced it all. While me and two friends enjoyed every bit of serene beaches, tranquil forts, the development on mainland Goa was bustling. July is off-season, but liquor was flowing like cola. We heard bambaiyya hindi too in Panjim market.
Many fear influx will soon change Goa’s demography and the land will lose its identity. I accept the market principle - free market economy has its mix baggage.
Interesting is while neighboring Maharashtra has given birth to political parties, who claim to protect rights of son-of-the-soils, why is Goa lagging behind ? . They may not be politically sensetive, but original Goans are concerned enough to return all the imminent SEZs.
But then, does Goa has its own son-of-the-soil ?
The Portuguese, the converted Christians, kolis, Saraswats and Karhades - all till now were scattered and lived peacefully - now ghettoizing. Perhaps the insecurity has driven them.
During my weekend Goa jaunt I experianced it all. While me and two friends enjoyed every bit of serene beaches, tranquil forts, the development on mainland Goa was bustling. July is off-season, but liquor was flowing like cola. We heard bambaiyya hindi too in Panjim market.
Many fear influx will soon change Goa’s demography and the land will lose its identity. I accept the market principle - free market economy has its mix baggage.
Interesting is while neighboring Maharashtra has given birth to political parties, who claim to protect rights of son-of-the-soils, why is Goa lagging behind ? . They may not be politically sensetive, but original Goans are concerned enough to return all the imminent SEZs.
But then, does Goa has its own son-of-the-soil ?
Covering the issues, Chinese way
While ethnic strife in China has given fresh breath to talks about country’s oppressive tendencies, I am little amused to see a subtle change.
Chinese media has always been state controlled, as we know it for a long. But ground reports this time do indicate that media has somehow defied state diktat to expose country’s underbelly.
My personal experience with the Chinese media stunned and forced me to exult for the situation I am working in.
Last December, on tour to Belgaum to covere Indo-China joint military exercise, I had a bitter taste of it. The incident acquainted me with the situation in which neighboring country’s media operates.
Reporters from state owned Xinhua agency and other organizations were at the place to cover the event.
The exercise began well in the morning. We saw Chinese personnel giving Indian army a lesson on combat operations, some airdropping events and exchange of fire.
Post military exercise, the press from both countries gathered for conference.
To our surprise, the conference wasn’t a conference where press asks questions – sometimes impromptu, sometimes informed by reporters in advance.
Not just the questions were chalked in advance by their military (of course in consultations with their Indian counterparts) and fed us but their answers too were ready.
What then left was a mechanical exercise. Three questions were asked by Indian reporters while other three by Chinese. Who will ask what and to whom was all fixed. The conference was reduced to another event.
Most of us protested. But they seemed quite normal.
Prior to the conference, my friend Prasad and Nadeem did try and get introduced with Chinese reporters. Much to their surprise, a lady Chinese reporter and her male colleague accepted business cards but refused to exchange theirs’ citing state policy.
I was shocked. But Very quickly that shock turned into gloating.
How free I am in my country, a thought surfaced. The subsequent thought was: Do I not sometimes exploit that freedom ?
Chinese media has always been state controlled, as we know it for a long. But ground reports this time do indicate that media has somehow defied state diktat to expose country’s underbelly.
My personal experience with the Chinese media stunned and forced me to exult for the situation I am working in.
Last December, on tour to Belgaum to covere Indo-China joint military exercise, I had a bitter taste of it. The incident acquainted me with the situation in which neighboring country’s media operates.
Reporters from state owned Xinhua agency and other organizations were at the place to cover the event.
The exercise began well in the morning. We saw Chinese personnel giving Indian army a lesson on combat operations, some airdropping events and exchange of fire.
Post military exercise, the press from both countries gathered for conference.
To our surprise, the conference wasn’t a conference where press asks questions – sometimes impromptu, sometimes informed by reporters in advance.
Not just the questions were chalked in advance by their military (of course in consultations with their Indian counterparts) and fed us but their answers too were ready.
What then left was a mechanical exercise. Three questions were asked by Indian reporters while other three by Chinese. Who will ask what and to whom was all fixed. The conference was reduced to another event.
Most of us protested. But they seemed quite normal.
Prior to the conference, my friend Prasad and Nadeem did try and get introduced with Chinese reporters. Much to their surprise, a lady Chinese reporter and her male colleague accepted business cards but refused to exchange theirs’ citing state policy.
I was shocked. But Very quickly that shock turned into gloating.
How free I am in my country, a thought surfaced. The subsequent thought was: Do I not sometimes exploit that freedom ?
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