Why is Ajit Pawar suddenly talking against Bal Thackeray. That too, too harsh ?
Is it just that Ajit wants to distract attention from rivals’ campaign against his alleged corruption cases ?
Or Ajit perceives offensive is the only option to weaken saffron-RPI alliance ?
Many are misreading the situation.
Ajit Pawar’s aggressiveness against Thackeray has more to do with internal party conflict than external challenge.
Targeting Thackeray, a real power center of Sena, can be construed as Pawar’s attempt to assert his position in the party.
This will consolidate his base. That mean, weakening of Supriya Sule, whose father and a party president Sharad Pawar always had a soft corner for Sena.
Sena’s relevance in the politics, Pawar thinks, can help Sule reaching to Power should the leadership issue arises in the NCP after him.
As we know, power struggle isn’t far away in the NCP. And Sharad Pawar is no exception in Indian politics, which stands witness to the fact that fathers have always preferred son or daughter over cousins.
And Ajit, being Sharad Pawar’s nephew, knows that to avoid ending up like Raj – a Thackeray cousin who ended up with nothing left in his hand while in Sena – he has no option but to assert.
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
The Brahmin-Maratha-Muslim Tangle
In a lighter vein, to a blogpost on Samarth Ramdas, I commented through Google-reader: “…Deccan inhabitants are off ending each other, Courtesy Shivaji. Shivaji united them to take on mughal takht. His disciples now are desperate to nullify that effect”
But did Shivaji’s indeed take on Mughals ?
Author of Hindu Bhalchandra Nemade looks at it with different perspective: Most people that Shivaji killed were Marathi. But later eon picture painted by bramins pointed that Shivaji pitted himself against mughals (read Islam)- From Maharashtra Times interview
Today if maratha offshoots are hell against Dadoji Konddeo, the root of the controversy lies in Brahmin-Maratha-Muslim tangle.
Late Varunraj Bhide wrote: Only 162 maratha families have been ruling Maharashtra for years.
Bhide’s version, if to be extended, mean a large section of Maratha class have been left out of the power for all through 50 years of Maharashtra. Now the section within the left-out section feels that ‘power-ful’ Marathas have always had support from Brahmins to maintain status quo.
Brahmins in turn used the banner of Hindutva. Gathered Marathas under the same banner and pitted them against Islamism – a phenomenon drawing analogy to Shivaji versus mughals. This way, Brahmins let few Marathas rule the state and in return retained their own importance.
Now, the left-out class wants political pie. To grab political space, incidents like BORI attack, Lal-mahal controversy, help as they create political space, easy to be grabbed on emotional grounds. For them Shivaji is a symbol to be used against Brahmins. And through Brahmins, they challenge "power-ful" marathas.
Curiously, the same Maratha offshoots are conspicuous with their silence on topics related to Islamic aggression. In the debates, they digress when issues like Afzal Khan tomb atop Pratapgadh - an alleged illegal construction on the site where Shivaji slained mughal warlord – comes for discussion. The offshoots refrain from entering into such debates. Reason: Assumption hovers that the issue is raked up by Sangh parivar (read Brahmins) only to digress left out section.
Such digression help brahmins maintain status quo in the power-structure that has been formed with another section of ‘power-ful’ Marathas.
From Pravin Mahajan's 'Majha Album'
Pravin Mahajan’s book – Majha Album – make us believe why Nitin Gadakari’s ‘in-law’ remarks shouldn’t be seen in isolation to BJP culture.
The book gives inside accounts of elder brother Pramod’s private life. It run through Pramod’s style of functioning that for a long has been party norm even as Pramod no longer survives.
On one occasion the book outlines Mahajan’s brother-in-law Gopinath Munde becoming target of ‘in-law’ remarks.
The book reads, Munde’s avarice to power makes Pramod quip: “Gopya la kalayla hava ki to apla jawai aahe, pakshacha navhe (Gopya should know he is our in-law, not party’s)”
Pramod’s alleged promiscuity is at the center of the book. Pravin loosely spells out brother’s private affairs but spares naming most women, except Alaknanda, who came into Pramod’s life. Alaknanda, many know, was party functionary from north Maharashtra.
Shrewdly, Pravin is silent on Sarangi’s life. Sarangi, Pravin’s wife, has previously claimed that Pramod was like ‘father figure’.
Without digging much, Majha Album outlines much chewed Munde’s Barkha affair.
The book arms Pravin with enough opportunity to target brother and change perception about late BJP leader. Equally, it brings out Pravin’s pent up prejudice against Pramod.
Overall, the book is so-so read.
Chidambaram And His Crafty Capitalism Phrase
I have a friend working with tabloid. He claims to be leftist but surrenders to all methods akin to capitalists. In political discussion, he talks of welfare and holistic approach but never hesitates praising Thackeray’s pro-Marathi parochialism. Worst, when we tease him, he turns the gear and resort to Marxism. Still we love him much.
Indian political system is more like my friend. The lefts here sometimes are more than actual capitalists. To that extent, P C Chidambaram is spot on: “maoists are the most crafty capitalist.”
Maoists employ unlawful methods to control production, distribution, price regulation of firms from their stronghold. They extort money from firms and in return challenge the state. They rue state control, similar to that of urban corporate-capitalist brothers.
More organized than past, Maoists with the backing of NGOs and Roy-likes, built up philosophy in their fight against state.
Chidambaram, whom Arundhati Roy refer ‘corporate lawyer’ (more capitalist than capitalists) puts up comparative case study of two Tatas:
“I don’t think the objectives of JN Tata and the objectives of Ratan Tata are very different. They might express it in different language but their objective is the same— to build industries, create jobs, produce goods and services, create wealth and enhance the prosperity of the area. In the bargain, of course, the company makes profits. But at that time, perhaps, the villagers and tribals were certainly not so organised and perhaps in no position to offer any organised protest and I am pretty sure there were hardly any NGOs and civil rights groups to espouse their cause. So JN Tata’s people were able to build trust with people.”
Congress And Politics Of Dualism
If, to use cliché, good economics is bad politics, smart politics subvert good policies.
On Gandhi family’s opacity and politics, Sadanand Dhume writes in wsj: “In this hothouse of intrigue and sycophancy, careers can hinge on the ability to change track according to which way the Gandhis' views are seen to be blowing.”
Dhume writes:
“For the family, this opacity clearly has benefits. It keeps them above the fray of petty politics. It allows them to exercise power without responsibility. It gives them the flexibility to change political course on a dime.
“But smart politics doesn't always generate good policy. Fostering a culture of opacity and public second-guessing about sensitive policy matters is no way to lead a major economy and an aspirant for great power status.”
Smart politics doesn’t generate good policies, but allows congress to be in power, years after years. The BJP falters precisely here. The six-year-long NDA stint, despite being satisfactory, ended on their folly – India shining. Had the government and party been more diverse in reaching out to rural and urban masses with separate tunes, the picture probably would have been different.
Sonia’s silence or Rahul's populist stance on some issues allows party leaders to take dual line. Here Gandhi’s opaqueness, to me, more sounds a move that allows party to sway through politics of dualism. When Manmohan Singh government goes tough, party opt middle-approach to please masses - Digvijay Singh advocating welfare approach over Chidambaram's arms use to tackle naxal approach is one example among others.
This sort of dualism allows congress to grab opposition space.
It empowers them with pro-poor policies, never mind how economically incorrect and deviating from Manmohan Singh’s good economics such policies are.
Consequence is the original opposition sounds weak and become irrelevant. Think: who comes in our mind first on views about priority to welfare scheme over arm solution to deal with naxal menace. Its Digvijay Singh, not left.
Letter To Octopus Paul
Because of ample time and nothing worth to do (all lies), I am here to seek answers of some difficult questions from Octopus Paul.
Paul, the almighty, please do tell us why are Indians so good in foodball ?
Why isn’t Sharad Pawar not attracted to soccer, Is the game cleaner than Cricket ?
Why is Mamata Bannerjee spends her entire time in Delhi, shunning Kolkata always ?
How come Nitin Gadakari speaks in such a decent language when other politicians are all foul mouthed ?
How does HT manages to score against ToI every morning ?
Why isn’t Indian journalism still not been affected by paid news ?
Why isn’t the UPA government work through Group of Ministers (GoM) to increase efficiency ?
Paul, only gospel. Didn’t Spain had 12 players when they played against Germany ?
Wasn’t Lord Ram the Bhaiyya, whom Marathis have stopped worshipping ?
Didn’t you tip off Suhel Seth, who wrote to you even before I could ?
Ghashiram Kotwal & Jar-karma
Corroboration falls short to prove historical reference piece that Gharisham Sawaldas bartered his 16-year-old daughter with Nana Phadanavis to become Kotwal (police commissioner) of Pune city.
There are however references available on how Ghashiram was killed by Brahmins of Pune on 21 August 1791. Those Brahmins, irked by the previous night incident when 21 citizens were lost their lives due to suffocation while guarding bombshells, lynched Ghashiram. The act was committed in Hadapsar where Arm Forces Medical College is now situated.
Stories surrounding Ghashiram have often been inquisitive. Those stories tell us prostitution involving men and women was on high even during Peshwa rule.
Letter written by Peshwas to Ghashiram once he became permanent during 1782 suggest the rulers were concerned about growing “male-prostitution” in Pune. Out of that concern, Peshwa reminded Ghashiram of his task: “Striyanna Jar-karma karanyapasun paravrutt karane” (Discouraging women to involve into male-prostitution). There is another reference that suggests Peshwas had also asked Ghashiram to “not to allow married women from involving into prostitution.”
I am bit disappointed though not completely dejected to read Mandar Lawate’s latest article: Punyachi Kotawali on city’s history. It falls short on some crucial details. The article is otherwise good.
For the benefit of English readers, Here is selective reference from Lawate’s piece published in Sakal:
(After death of Ghashiram), Bajirao Peshwa II understood that Kotwal is a plum post. He therefore started auctioning the post. It was in 1800 the post of Kotwal was first auctioned to Vithoji Gaikwad at Rs. 1. 12 lakh.
Given that post was auctioned at such exorbitant rate, we can imagine how corrupt the system would have been and to what extent hafta-wasuli had gone up. By those old rate, today if we learn that Pune or Mumbai commissioner’s post was sold at 112 crores, one shouldn’t be surprised.
Irony
On Maharashtra Foundation day (May 1), TOI Ahmedabad carried a report: At 50, ready to rival MumbaiReport quoted leader of Mahagujarat movement and a former state minister Sanat Mehta as saying: “But, we were confident that Gujaratis would create more Bombays if they got a separate state”
Gujrat lost Mumbai to Maharashtra, which lost Belgaum to Karnataka. Very soon Gujaratis came to terms with reality.
But given the strong secessionist feelings among Belgaum’s marathi population, great irony is underway.
A prominent marathi builder from Pune B G Shirke has bagged the contract to construct Suvarna Vidhana Soudha (Karnataka assembly) at Belgaum, a second capital of Karnataka.
Gujrat lost Mumbai to Maharashtra, which lost Belgaum to Karnataka. Very soon Gujaratis came to terms with reality.
But given the strong secessionist feelings among Belgaum’s marathi population, great irony is underway.
A prominent marathi builder from Pune B G Shirke has bagged the contract to construct Suvarna Vidhana Soudha (Karnataka assembly) at Belgaum, a second capital of Karnataka.
Shrinking Liberal Space In 50th Year of Maharashtra
Last month – or, more appropriately, a month before Maharashtra was to celebrate golden jubilee of its existence - Marathi literary meet held in Pune with much bang. Surrounded by controversies, the event offered nothing great except for the fact that publishers sold books worth Rs 7 crores.
One would say, it held for the sake of it.
Not quite true.
On the second day, the meet had a discussion on freedom of expression. Worth to note, chief minister Ashok Chavan attended it, albeit, after loosing his own freedom within the party. The CM was to come on third day and share dais with Amitabh Bachchan. Political compulsions forced him reshuffle his visit.
Today, if compulsions dictate most political actions, count shrinking “liberal space”, a fallout of it.
In a span of five years vandals backed by some or other offshoots affiliated to political parties have always overpowered. Be it vandalizing the internationally acclaimed Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) or attack on Kumar Ketkar or Mumbai office of Navakal, Maharashtra’s "liberal space" shrinked consistently even if the state marched ahead building highways or signing MoUs with Industrialists.
The most recent example to be in the news was controversy over a book Santsurya Tukaram, authored by renowned marathi writer Anand Yadav. Warakari sect (followers of Sant Tukaram and Sant Dyaneshwar), unhappy over references attached to Sant Tukaram, heckled Yadav, forcing him to withdraw his book and resign from the prestigious post of literary meet president.
Conspicuously, a common thing in all the incidents is: State hasn’t intervened to erase that space, which many call “liberal”. Equally, state did nothing to protect that space either. If conflict among the classes or castes is one reason, notoriety, which for many means publicity, is another reason. Not to wonder then, notoriety is gaining recognition to be an effective tool to defeat the cause.
Noticeably, most of these incidents were directed against Brahmins. The message is clear: If Brahmins have retained clouts for years with the support of pen, which they often used to paint convenient picture, others have understood it. And to end that clout, others wants to suppress that writing using notoriety.
One would say, it held for the sake of it.
Not quite true.
On the second day, the meet had a discussion on freedom of expression. Worth to note, chief minister Ashok Chavan attended it, albeit, after loosing his own freedom within the party. The CM was to come on third day and share dais with Amitabh Bachchan. Political compulsions forced him reshuffle his visit.
Today, if compulsions dictate most political actions, count shrinking “liberal space”, a fallout of it.
In a span of five years vandals backed by some or other offshoots affiliated to political parties have always overpowered. Be it vandalizing the internationally acclaimed Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) or attack on Kumar Ketkar or Mumbai office of Navakal, Maharashtra’s "liberal space" shrinked consistently even if the state marched ahead building highways or signing MoUs with Industrialists.
The most recent example to be in the news was controversy over a book Santsurya Tukaram, authored by renowned marathi writer Anand Yadav. Warakari sect (followers of Sant Tukaram and Sant Dyaneshwar), unhappy over references attached to Sant Tukaram, heckled Yadav, forcing him to withdraw his book and resign from the prestigious post of literary meet president.
Conspicuously, a common thing in all the incidents is: State hasn’t intervened to erase that space, which many call “liberal”. Equally, state did nothing to protect that space either. If conflict among the classes or castes is one reason, notoriety, which for many means publicity, is another reason. Not to wonder then, notoriety is gaining recognition to be an effective tool to defeat the cause.
Noticeably, most of these incidents were directed against Brahmins. The message is clear: If Brahmins have retained clouts for years with the support of pen, which they often used to paint convenient picture, others have understood it. And to end that clout, others wants to suppress that writing using notoriety.
The Perilous Side of 'Sachin For Bharat Ratna' Campaign
Uddhav Thackeray falling on the same line as Ashok Chavan, can not more than merely be a political opportunism. And when the duo speaks for Bharat Ratna to Sachin Tendulkar, the opportunism touches abysmal frivolity.
Several campaigns are running concurrent to make Tendulkar’s case for country’s highest honour. Tendulkar too, unlike others, has achieved several milestones, and deserves to be feted.
But does that mean he deserves Bharatratna, especially when there are other equally deserving people standing by?
Well I don’t really know the answer, except for the fact that such honour should not just reduced to be a result of campaign.
The perilous side of such campaign is, they run on populism; be it for or against. Indians among others are masters of campaigning. In polls, we fall pray to populist announcement. Elsewhere, pink-chaddi like movement easily carries us away.
Politicians, as a convenience, often give up to populist pressures. The danger then is that precedence set out from such pressures dictate the decision.
So when cricket being most likeable game grabs maximum attention, its obvious that Sachin becomes the most adorable. This makes his case even stronger from populist point. Likewise, other deserving becomes least favorite because the field they represent do not represent the wishes of entire country.
P.S. wikipedia entry suggest that populism defined either as an ideology (more rarely and uncommonly), a political philosophy or a type of discourse, is a type of political-social thought which juxtaposes "the people" against "the elites", and urges social and political system changes. It can also be defined as a rhetorical style deployed by members of political or social movements. It is defined by the Cambridge dictionary as "political ideas and activities that are intended to represent ordinary people's needs and wishes"
(So friends, opposing Sachin’s case juxtaposes me with elites :) ).
Several campaigns are running concurrent to make Tendulkar’s case for country’s highest honour. Tendulkar too, unlike others, has achieved several milestones, and deserves to be feted.
But does that mean he deserves Bharatratna, especially when there are other equally deserving people standing by?
Well I don’t really know the answer, except for the fact that such honour should not just reduced to be a result of campaign.
The perilous side of such campaign is, they run on populism; be it for or against. Indians among others are masters of campaigning. In polls, we fall pray to populist announcement. Elsewhere, pink-chaddi like movement easily carries us away.
Politicians, as a convenience, often give up to populist pressures. The danger then is that precedence set out from such pressures dictate the decision.
So when cricket being most likeable game grabs maximum attention, its obvious that Sachin becomes the most adorable. This makes his case even stronger from populist point. Likewise, other deserving becomes least favorite because the field they represent do not represent the wishes of entire country.
P.S. wikipedia entry suggest that populism defined either as an ideology (more rarely and uncommonly), a political philosophy or a type of discourse, is a type of political-social thought which juxtaposes "the people" against "the elites", and urges social and political system changes. It can also be defined as a rhetorical style deployed by members of political or social movements. It is defined by the Cambridge dictionary as "political ideas and activities that are intended to represent ordinary people's needs and wishes"
(So friends, opposing Sachin’s case juxtaposes me with elites :) ).
Malice Towards All
For Maharashtrians, the subject is palatable and inquisitive. Therefore even the storm in the tea cup has subsided, all round postmortem continues.
Just last week, Pratap Bhanu Mehta dwelt on rot in Maharashtra. Later, Kumar Ketkar spent time writing on Bal Thackeray and Sharad Pawar’s politics.
Of late, the rest of India has been in habit to put to test Maharashtrains on the insider-outsider row. Unfortunately, to me, this state has been consistent enough to explore new low in this test. And the blame is to be solely shared by us alone.
To our fault, Maharashtra always overestimated its leaders ranging from Thackeray to Pawar. Parochialism is so ingrained in us that selection of dud like Nitin Gadakari as BJP president makes us revel in stead of questioning his qualities. When Marathi Vikram Pandit, who I doubt even has visited Maharashtra in decades, took charge of Citibank, we fired crackers. The otherwise routine story: Jockey Vijay Shiker winning the derby race, gets more than deserved place just because winner is Marathi. Hah!
We always contributed Shiv sena in legitimizing its sins. We are in the habit to call Thackeray’s purr; a roar, his abuse; a quintessential Thackeray-shaily (style), and his sins; a dare, often labeled after Hitler, to whom the sena chief take pride in idolizing. There isn’t the need to spend additional space on Raj, who belongs to the same ilk.
We believed, Thackeray Sr. stood by his principals; the principals he never actually followed. To enunciate, his flip-flop on Sharad Pawar and the penchant to offer RS seats to Uttar Bhartiyas.
He always squeezed controversies to remain in focus. Thackeray took on P K Atre (by caricaturing him Worli cha dukkar – Worli’s pig), P L Deshpande (for his remarks: Hee Shivshahi nasun Thokshahi aahe – this isn’t the Shivaji-like governed rule but a mobocracy) and Sachin Tendulkar (for innocuous remarks: Mumbai belongs to India). Many saw, by taking on stalwarts, Thackeray stood by his principals. The truth was he strived to derive maximum mileage. But, in such attempts too, Thackeray failed as in 45 years of Sena, he could rule the state only once – for 5 years.
Ketkar liken Thackeray with Ayatollah Khomeini. I consider this an over-valued sobriquet. Khomeini controlled entire Iran, no mater how flawed principals he harboured. Thackeray on the other hand could not keep his own house in order, though he has credit to his side of saving Maharashtra from dividing on caste lines. But then that too was in Thackeray’s own interests, especially when different sects had loyalties to different parties.
Maharashtra’s another big leader (notionally) is Sharad Pawar. Mehta argues: “Pawar, once a politician of considerable promise, has proved to be one of the biggest spoilers in modern Indian politics.” How true.
Maharashtra always assessed Pawar too highly. His power tactics were flop, fetching him nothing concrete. All his gambles to win primeministership failed. He was reduced to regional leader, while his party left to chant Marathi. On the administrative note too, he hardly did anything to prove his mettle. He often flexed his secular credentials, but in reality, divided Maharashtra on caste lines. And all through, we kept calling Pawar the Maratha-warlord, the master of Indian politics, the Janata Raja (sobriquet earned by Shivaji).
If Maharashtra knows anything, that is to harp on regional values. Nothing wrong in being proud of such rich values. The problem is: in exaggeration, Maharashtrains can’t sell those values beyond a point.
While Blaming Maharashtra, I accept that I am party to it. More than twice because just few days back, I preached friend through her blog, not to rant.
Just last week, Pratap Bhanu Mehta dwelt on rot in Maharashtra. Later, Kumar Ketkar spent time writing on Bal Thackeray and Sharad Pawar’s politics.
Of late, the rest of India has been in habit to put to test Maharashtrains on the insider-outsider row. Unfortunately, to me, this state has been consistent enough to explore new low in this test. And the blame is to be solely shared by us alone.
To our fault, Maharashtra always overestimated its leaders ranging from Thackeray to Pawar. Parochialism is so ingrained in us that selection of dud like Nitin Gadakari as BJP president makes us revel in stead of questioning his qualities. When Marathi Vikram Pandit, who I doubt even has visited Maharashtra in decades, took charge of Citibank, we fired crackers. The otherwise routine story: Jockey Vijay Shiker winning the derby race, gets more than deserved place just because winner is Marathi. Hah!
We always contributed Shiv sena in legitimizing its sins. We are in the habit to call Thackeray’s purr; a roar, his abuse; a quintessential Thackeray-shaily (style), and his sins; a dare, often labeled after Hitler, to whom the sena chief take pride in idolizing. There isn’t the need to spend additional space on Raj, who belongs to the same ilk.
We believed, Thackeray Sr. stood by his principals; the principals he never actually followed. To enunciate, his flip-flop on Sharad Pawar and the penchant to offer RS seats to Uttar Bhartiyas.
He always squeezed controversies to remain in focus. Thackeray took on P K Atre (by caricaturing him Worli cha dukkar – Worli’s pig), P L Deshpande (for his remarks: Hee Shivshahi nasun Thokshahi aahe – this isn’t the Shivaji-like governed rule but a mobocracy) and Sachin Tendulkar (for innocuous remarks: Mumbai belongs to India). Many saw, by taking on stalwarts, Thackeray stood by his principals. The truth was he strived to derive maximum mileage. But, in such attempts too, Thackeray failed as in 45 years of Sena, he could rule the state only once – for 5 years.
Ketkar liken Thackeray with Ayatollah Khomeini. I consider this an over-valued sobriquet. Khomeini controlled entire Iran, no mater how flawed principals he harboured. Thackeray on the other hand could not keep his own house in order, though he has credit to his side of saving Maharashtra from dividing on caste lines. But then that too was in Thackeray’s own interests, especially when different sects had loyalties to different parties.
Maharashtra’s another big leader (notionally) is Sharad Pawar. Mehta argues: “Pawar, once a politician of considerable promise, has proved to be one of the biggest spoilers in modern Indian politics.” How true.
Maharashtra always assessed Pawar too highly. His power tactics were flop, fetching him nothing concrete. All his gambles to win primeministership failed. He was reduced to regional leader, while his party left to chant Marathi. On the administrative note too, he hardly did anything to prove his mettle. He often flexed his secular credentials, but in reality, divided Maharashtra on caste lines. And all through, we kept calling Pawar the Maratha-warlord, the master of Indian politics, the Janata Raja (sobriquet earned by Shivaji).
If Maharashtra knows anything, that is to harp on regional values. Nothing wrong in being proud of such rich values. The problem is: in exaggeration, Maharashtrains can’t sell those values beyond a point.
While Blaming Maharashtra, I accept that I am party to it. More than twice because just few days back, I preached friend through her blog, not to rant.
The Great Cogeneration Scam
It’s a scam worth Rs. 5000 crores. It is also a classic case of how politicians create a situation and exploit it to their best. It also tells us why opposition parties don’t win elections even when ruling parties are impotent, busy serving own interests.
In this game, ruling parties calls the shots, to which opposition react in a customized way.
Initially, they create electricity shortfall. Then, just when we think of desperate measures to bridge power gap, these politicians come up with solution.
Solution: Politicians in power running the cooperative sugar mills are to generate some 1200 mw power by setting up cogeneration plants within their sugar factories. These politicians then allow 55 such factories, some of them controlled by ministers while few by opposition.
To set up plants, rulers make provision of subsidized fund worth Rs. 5000 crore. The capital and subsidy is to be borne by taxpayers. It is fine if the mills are to sell their power mandatory to state owned utility to meet shortfall.
But, mantris, tacitly change the original government resolution. They allow themselves to sell power in open market, which offers far higher rates and sell it in return with proportionate profits. This way, politicians indulge into profiteering.
Curiously, all through the process, opposition is conspicuously silent. No wonder they too have their share.
So while guarding the private interests, public interest sustains severely dent.
My report on this in Hindustan Times to read minister's reaction:
In this game, ruling parties calls the shots, to which opposition react in a customized way.
Initially, they create electricity shortfall. Then, just when we think of desperate measures to bridge power gap, these politicians come up with solution.
Solution: Politicians in power running the cooperative sugar mills are to generate some 1200 mw power by setting up cogeneration plants within their sugar factories. These politicians then allow 55 such factories, some of them controlled by ministers while few by opposition.
To set up plants, rulers make provision of subsidized fund worth Rs. 5000 crore. The capital and subsidy is to be borne by taxpayers. It is fine if the mills are to sell their power mandatory to state owned utility to meet shortfall.
But, mantris, tacitly change the original government resolution. They allow themselves to sell power in open market, which offers far higher rates and sell it in return with proportionate profits. This way, politicians indulge into profiteering.
Curiously, all through the process, opposition is conspicuously silent. No wonder they too have their share.
So while guarding the private interests, public interest sustains severely dent.
My report on this in Hindustan Times to read minister's reaction:
Exclusionist Raj Thackeray's All-inclusive Growth
Raj’s success is appealing. Avalanche of reactions have followed congratulating Thackeray ever since his men heckled Azami. Contrary to anticipation, media websites and talk shows are flooded with comments patting Raj while criticizing Azami.
By now, we have seen Raj’s chauvinism is becoming acute every day and so is the rancor among maharashtrians for outsiders. The initial feeling among marathis of being economically subalterns drove them closer to MNS. But as the party flexed its performance in the polls, beat up few bhaiyyas, that feeling was subsided and eventually replaced with a sense of dominance that of late has marathis gloating.
Two years ago when Raj first raked up son-of-the-soil issue, pundits downplayed it saying, he won’t get any support in the form of votes. A pet argument put forward that time was Maharashtra and Mumbai has changed drastically ever since fellow Marathis benefited maximum after liberalism to which migration was an indispensable part. Two years down the line, Raj has proved the pundits wrong. He is no more just an entity made out of media frenzy.
Raj’s success has come at a time when on national scene, politics of exclusion has become ineffective. For the MNS itself, its agenda although may have been exclusionist, but it more seem all-inclusive for marathis and their growth. This is much on the lines of sena, that brought smaller marathi factions and castes under one roof to become one strong force.
In his recently circulated three-page letter to all newly elected 288 MLAs of Maharashtra too, Raj shrewdly wove some details with his message and presented him as sole guardian of Marathi. His exhort was impressive and effective to marathis having loyalties to various parties.
Besides his charisma, contributing in Raj’s success is vernacular press, which provided him enough space to cash on the readership and Congress that tacitly supported his activities for political gains. Shiv Sena, the biggest looser, is still counting decibels of reverberation that generated from the slap in the face of Azami.
Raj’s appeal proves more effective because to counter Raj, national media plays nationalist card and often rakes up contribution of non-marathis in building Mumbai. The more such stories are played, the more it hurt marathis. Raj exploits that insecurity and reaches masses through vernacular press, which in return provides the leader better display for readership gains. This has a straight resemblance with Narendra Modi’s emergence in Gujrat. Post-Godhra riots, national media attacked Modi scathingly. The leader however turned that criticism as an attack against Gujrati pride to which regional media came to rescue.
So, when we saw Modi could not be clicked outside Gujrat, there is stronger possibility that Raj will be irrelevant elsewhere even if he opts all-inclusive agenda.
"Because they can’t afford your rates"
Arundhari Roy through this article is back in her original form.
She has done wonderful homework to drive point home.
For me, the punch in the article lies when she write:
“Where do the hundreds of millions of rupees that political parties and politicians pay the media for the ‘high-end’, ‘low-end’ and ‘live’ pre-election ‘coverage packages’ that P. Sainath recently wrote about come from? (The next time you see a TV anchor haranguing a numb studio guest, shouting, “Why don’t the Maoists stand for elections? Why don’t they come in to the mainstream?”, do SMS the channel saying, “Because they can’t afford your rates.”)"
But, further down till bottom, her readers seems have trounced the author, as they have done equally thorough homework about their favourite writer.
Nonetheless, the article is a great treat.
On the side note, two of my friends would like to ask Roy, when will they see her writing 6036-wrods article for extremists hindus fighting against Christians “attempting mass conversions” and the grudge marathis harbour against Uttar bharatiyas for “usurping most of the jobs”.
.
She has done wonderful homework to drive point home.
For me, the punch in the article lies when she write:
“Where do the hundreds of millions of rupees that political parties and politicians pay the media for the ‘high-end’, ‘low-end’ and ‘live’ pre-election ‘coverage packages’ that P. Sainath recently wrote about come from? (The next time you see a TV anchor haranguing a numb studio guest, shouting, “Why don’t the Maoists stand for elections? Why don’t they come in to the mainstream?”, do SMS the channel saying, “Because they can’t afford your rates.”)"
But, further down till bottom, her readers seems have trounced the author, as they have done equally thorough homework about their favourite writer.
Nonetheless, the article is a great treat.
On the side note, two of my friends would like to ask Roy, when will they see her writing 6036-wrods article for extremists hindus fighting against Christians “attempting mass conversions” and the grudge marathis harbour against Uttar bharatiyas for “usurping most of the jobs”.
.
Tale Of A Scam
Here’s a tale of how multi-million scams takes place at government level.
A government department wants to procure notes-counting machine. Actually, it requires two machines and each is worth Rs 40,000. What will the department do ?
Of course as a procedure, the department invites tenders. To invite tender, it issues ads in four national dailies. The ads cost around Rs 2 lakh.
The government babus do not stop here. They later issue corrigendum by spending Rs 15,000 more.
So for two machines worth Rs 80,000, government spends Rs. 2.15 lakh. For the babus, kickbacks are ready for spending more and more sum on ads.
A government department wants to procure notes-counting machine. Actually, it requires two machines and each is worth Rs 40,000. What will the department do ?
Of course as a procedure, the department invites tenders. To invite tender, it issues ads in four national dailies. The ads cost around Rs 2 lakh.
The government babus do not stop here. They later issue corrigendum by spending Rs 15,000 more.
So for two machines worth Rs 80,000, government spends Rs. 2.15 lakh. For the babus, kickbacks are ready for spending more and more sum on ads.
Liberalism and India
Eighteen years ago, or to be more precise, on July 24, 1991, India was ushered into new era of economic liberalism. Circumstances forced us opt free market over Fabian socialism.
Many of us fretted the decision. It drove us believe that decision was fatal to nation’s economy. Newspapers those days were full of reports pounding words like ‘Gatt’, ‘WTO’, ‘Swadeshi’.
I still remember: We had a debate organised at school. Whether or not conscious about the facts, participating in debates was my birth-right. I cajoled that right and entered into debate.
All participants opposed the so called liberalization. Everyone with more or less tone said, signing Gatt would push India into east India like company’s hands. The teachers applauded our understanding. And since there was no one to oppose our views, the debate, as a “debate” didn’t actually take place. With no clear winner, the prize then was distributed among all participants.
At playground, cricket followed discussions on why India should oppose “ghost of liberalization”. We did not either know what nationalism was but made us believe so by opposing liberalization.
Gradually liberalization brought in privatization, globalization and deregularization. The changes across the fields became discernible among certain class. Phrases like ‘License raj’ and ‘hindu rate of growth’ stopped cropping up in the discussions while trade unions – like the one I am associated with – partially reduced to cultural organizations. We embraced all latest technology.
As the economic liberalism made us prosper, libertian values quickly became sellable. We preferred calling ourselves libertians. Cultural block in the mindspace opened up. A new elite class was created Proponents of sex gathered momentum when they talked about open society. 'Pink Chaddi’ became sign of liberalism. Stories full of moralizing started getting secondary treatment.
On July 24, Manmohan Singh’s tiny? step completed 18 years. The man at the helm in the meantime has gathered more power. Clamor of opposition has reduced to zero. The left have already exited from the government. The right-wing RSS too is all “Jai ho” about open market – RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat recently said “Whatever is good in this world, is all swadeshi for us”. And while all this was happening, the Wall street bubble burst.
Some problems have been sorted out, some persist. We have prospered in liberalism yet we reserve our right to embrace it in its full form. We probably know it give us fruits, but with the bitter taste if eaten even before they are ripe. Not bitten yet shy, the India today is.
Many of us fretted the decision. It drove us believe that decision was fatal to nation’s economy. Newspapers those days were full of reports pounding words like ‘Gatt’, ‘WTO’, ‘Swadeshi’.
I still remember: We had a debate organised at school. Whether or not conscious about the facts, participating in debates was my birth-right. I cajoled that right and entered into debate.
All participants opposed the so called liberalization. Everyone with more or less tone said, signing Gatt would push India into east India like company’s hands. The teachers applauded our understanding. And since there was no one to oppose our views, the debate, as a “debate” didn’t actually take place. With no clear winner, the prize then was distributed among all participants.
At playground, cricket followed discussions on why India should oppose “ghost of liberalization”. We did not either know what nationalism was but made us believe so by opposing liberalization.
Gradually liberalization brought in privatization, globalization and deregularization. The changes across the fields became discernible among certain class. Phrases like ‘License raj’ and ‘hindu rate of growth’ stopped cropping up in the discussions while trade unions – like the one I am associated with – partially reduced to cultural organizations. We embraced all latest technology.
As the economic liberalism made us prosper, libertian values quickly became sellable. We preferred calling ourselves libertians. Cultural block in the mindspace opened up. A new elite class was created Proponents of sex gathered momentum when they talked about open society. 'Pink Chaddi’ became sign of liberalism. Stories full of moralizing started getting secondary treatment.
On July 24, Manmohan Singh’s tiny? step completed 18 years. The man at the helm in the meantime has gathered more power. Clamor of opposition has reduced to zero. The left have already exited from the government. The right-wing RSS too is all “Jai ho” about open market – RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat recently said “Whatever is good in this world, is all swadeshi for us”. And while all this was happening, the Wall street bubble burst.
Some problems have been sorted out, some persist. We have prospered in liberalism yet we reserve our right to embrace it in its full form. We probably know it give us fruits, but with the bitter taste if eaten even before they are ripe. Not bitten yet shy, the India today is.
Iran elections and twitter
Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei to his countrymen, “I am following you all on Twitter.”
Had L K Advani followed Ayatollah on twitter, elections results would have been different.
Had L K Advani followed Ayatollah on twitter, elections results would have been different.
The Bhaiyya Factor
This week, the state government came out with the finding on economic survey specifying how growing outsiders’ population in Maharashtra is taking toll on the infrastructure here.
Now the HSC results are out. Big cities including Mumbai, Thane and Pune saw sharp dip in the overall pass percentage.
Mahanagar, a local daily from Mumbai came out with the analysis of result and claimed that slip in HSC results was mainly because of more Bhaiyyas appearing for HSC exam.
Since Raj’s MNS has fetched impressive number of votes, the Bhaiyya factor reverberates everywhere.
Now the HSC results are out. Big cities including Mumbai, Thane and Pune saw sharp dip in the overall pass percentage.
Mahanagar, a local daily from Mumbai came out with the analysis of result and claimed that slip in HSC results was mainly because of more Bhaiyyas appearing for HSC exam.
Since Raj’s MNS has fetched impressive number of votes, the Bhaiyya factor reverberates everywhere.
Nos. matter...really ?
The results are out. Anxiety is over.
Interestingly, for many in Gujrat, where currently I am, there is a success in defeat and defeat in the success.
As the ballot machines began giving out results yesterday, it became evident that country is once again going into the congress party’s hands.
Facing cropper at national level, Gujrat was the one state for BJP to be a face-saver.
Yet at Party’s headquarter in Khanpur area of Ahmedabad, the mood was completely sombre. Party workers came, sat, watched TV and went without much noise. No celebrations, nothing.
The BJP improved the tally by one and put its stamp on the state once again. But prime ministerial ambitions of Advani and Modi received a major jolt. Modi stayed at home, in instead of coming out and flexing muscles while talking to media.
On the other hand, mood was jubilant at Rajiv Gandhi Bhavan, the congress headquarter. Even before the trends were not yet out out, the GPCC president Siddharth Patel in a self-congratulatory mood said, “I am satisfied with the results”.
In fact congress was down by one seat from its previous tally. Yet, every leader wanted to talk to media. Chai, coffee nashta came frequently, giving out the message that when you have no expectations at all, even a single seat is precious.
Interestingly, for many in Gujrat, where currently I am, there is a success in defeat and defeat in the success.
As the ballot machines began giving out results yesterday, it became evident that country is once again going into the congress party’s hands.
Facing cropper at national level, Gujrat was the one state for BJP to be a face-saver.
Yet at Party’s headquarter in Khanpur area of Ahmedabad, the mood was completely sombre. Party workers came, sat, watched TV and went without much noise. No celebrations, nothing.
The BJP improved the tally by one and put its stamp on the state once again. But prime ministerial ambitions of Advani and Modi received a major jolt. Modi stayed at home, in instead of coming out and flexing muscles while talking to media.
On the other hand, mood was jubilant at Rajiv Gandhi Bhavan, the congress headquarter. Even before the trends were not yet out out, the GPCC president Siddharth Patel in a self-congratulatory mood said, “I am satisfied with the results”.
In fact congress was down by one seat from its previous tally. Yet, every leader wanted to talk to media. Chai, coffee nashta came frequently, giving out the message that when you have no expectations at all, even a single seat is precious.
From Gujrat
Precisely a year after, I am once again out of my house, striving hard while churning out the post-verdict stories.
Some 600 km away from the home, in Ahmedabad, the only difference I see from last year’s Karnataka experience is the comfort level is quite high. The hotel room is cozy, traveling has been cool and the food is palatable.
But then, there is irritation at different level. Blogging and television watching is what currently I am involved in. There is fatigue. Inclination to work exists very little.
The counting is few hours away while results may take a day to be out. The actually government may take a week or two to come to the power. But to me, as a common man, the government has already been formed.
The news channels have made the entire post-poll pre-verdict debates highly trivial. Cartel is formed to shape up opinion. Hypothesis is being build without any substance. Theories are running. And finally, few people are discussing and in the process deciding, who will support whom.
HAving seen this, there is little doubt left in my mind. As they say that this election was fought in the media, the next will be in the TV studio only.
Good night
Some 600 km away from the home, in Ahmedabad, the only difference I see from last year’s Karnataka experience is the comfort level is quite high. The hotel room is cozy, traveling has been cool and the food is palatable.
But then, there is irritation at different level. Blogging and television watching is what currently I am involved in. There is fatigue. Inclination to work exists very little.
The counting is few hours away while results may take a day to be out. The actually government may take a week or two to come to the power. But to me, as a common man, the government has already been formed.
The news channels have made the entire post-poll pre-verdict debates highly trivial. Cartel is formed to shape up opinion. Hypothesis is being build without any substance. Theories are running. And finally, few people are discussing and in the process deciding, who will support whom.
HAving seen this, there is little doubt left in my mind. As they say that this election was fought in the media, the next will be in the TV studio only.
Good night
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